It's a pesticide called 1,3-Dichloropropene that's commonly sold under the brand name Telone.
And although it's largely unknown outside agricultural circles, 1,3-D has an outsized footprint. In 1990, state regulators banned use of the carcinogenic pesticide after unsafe levels were found in the air.
Yet in 2018, the most recent year for which we have records, California used more than 12.5 million pounds of 1,3-D and detected it at levels more than three times higher than those that triggered the 1990 ban.
How is this possible? Because California's Department of Pesticide Regulation backtracked on commitments to ban and limit 1,3-D's use, and in 1995 began to reinstate its use under a plan in coordination with the manufacturer Dow. That's why a state court of appeals this month agreed with farmworkers and pesticide reform advocates that state regulators can't rely on underground rulemaking, improperly influenced by industry, to regulate 1,3-D's use.
The pesticide's heavy use is made even more troubling because of its tendency – like many fumigants – to "off-gas" into the air after application. Yet California has chosen to completely ignore the escalating climate and health costs of those pesticides.
Even as state regulators lay out California's 2022 vision for reducing greenhouse gas emissions to fight climate change, they have refused, so far, to account for the growing global warming contribution of pesticides.
That must change. The United Nation's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change recently released its sixth report confirming that we're already in a climate crisis and must do more to fight climate change.
Soil health
The Environmental Protection Agency estimates that 50% to 100% of applied pesticides end up in the soil. And soils are the largest terrestrial store of carbon on the planet, playing an essential role in drawing carbon down from the atmosphere into the Earth where it can't act as a greenhouse gas.
The process of storing carbon in the soil is carried out by millions of subterranean species in the soil, from microscopic organisms to earthworms. When soil life is damaged it harms the ability of the soil to suck up carbon.
The largest-ever analysis of pesticides' impacts on soil found significant harm to beneficial, soil-dwelling invertebrates, including earthworms, ants, beetles, and ground nesting bees in 71% of cases reviewed in nearly 400 studies.
But although millions of acres of land in California are treated with nearly 200 million pounds of pesticides each year, the impact of pesticides on soil health is almost completely overlooked.
Impacts to farmworkers
Fumigants, like 1-3,D not only pose dangerous threats to soils, they threaten the health of farmworkers and nearby communities. Soil fumigants are particularly dangerous because after killing soil organisms they often move to the air at levels that can trigger almost immediate adverse health effects in people.
And these fumigants can travel far. Just last year state regulators found 1,3-D in the air at high levels that significantly increase cancer risk up to seven and a half miles away from the closest known application sites.
Most of our Central Valley counties fail air pollution standards for ozone and particulate matter, which aggravate asthma and result in premature deaths. Yet pesticides like 1,3-D that can produce ozone and particulate matter are still used widely in those same counties.
Researchers at the California Environmental Protection Agency found that pesticides were the pollutants with the greatest racial and income disparities in exposure in the state.
Greenhouse gas emissions
Beyond their immediate harms, many commonly-used fumigants result in increased emissions of nitrous oxide, an often-overlooked greenhouse gas that is 300 times more potent than carbon dioxide. Taken together, certain pesticides used to fumigate soils can result in a seven-to-eight-fold increase in nitrous oxide greenhouse gas pollution.
And Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) in pesticides – tens of millions of pounds of which are used each year in California – react with sunlight and nitrogen oxides to create tropospheric ozone, the third most significant greenhouse gas after carbon dioxide and methane.
For too long the state has allowed undue regulatory influence by pesticide companies.
Our state leaders must firmly reverse course and aggressively address the climate and health threats posed by our ever-expanding pesticide uses.
Nathan Donley, Ph.D., who co-authored the recent soils study, is the Center for Biological Diversity's environmental health science director.
Sarah Aird is Co-Director of the statewide coalition Californians for Pesticide Reform.
President Joe Biden's new American Climate Corps is designed to address climate change while providing green jobs and potentially alleviating climate anxiety among young people.
The American Climate Corps offers jobs restoring wetlands, installing solar panels, and addressing climate anxiety.
Many young people are unsure how to take effective climate action, which contributes to widespread eco-anxiety.
Structured, hands-on work with clear goals can alleviate the distress associated with climate change.
Key quote:
“There’s something about, ‘Here is a clear job with a clear timeline and a clear local goal. I can, like, put my hands in the dirt.’'"
— Kidus Girma, campaign director of the Sunrise Movement
Why this matters:
The American Climate Corps not only fights climate change but also provides mental health benefits by giving young people purposeful work, fostering social support, and building psychological resilience. Read more: Robbie Parks on climate justice and mental health.
CAMERON PARISH, La. — Late into the night, John Allaire watches the facility next to his home shoot 300-foot flares from stacks.
He lives within eyesight of southwest Louisiana’s salty shores, where, for decades, he’s witnessed nearly 200 feet of land between it and his property line disappear into the sea. Two-thirds of the land was rebuilt to aid the oil and gas industry’s LNG expansion. LNG — shorthand for liquified natural gas – is natural gas that's cooled to liquid form for easier storage or transport; it equates to 1/600th the volume of natural gas in a gaseous state. It’s used to generate electricity, or fuel stove tops and home heaters, and in industrial processes like manufacturing fertilizer.
In the U.S., at least 30 new LNG terminal facilities have been constructed or proposed since 2016, according to the
Oil and Gas Watch project. Louisiana and Texas’ Gulf Coast, where five facilities are already operating, will host roughly two-thirds of the new LNG terminals – meaning at least 22 Gulf Coast LNG facilities are currently under construction, were recently approved to break ground or are under further regulatory review.
Although the U.S. didn’t ship LNG until 2016, when a freight tanker left, a few miles from where Cameron Parish’s LNG plants are today, last year the country became the global leader in LNG production and export volume, leapfrogging exporters like Qatar and Australia. The
EIA’s most recent annual outlook estimated that between the current year and 2050, U.S. LNG exports will increase by 152%.
Allaire, 68, watches how saltwater collects where rainwater once fed the area’s diminishing coastal wetlands. “We still come down here with the kids and set out the fishing rods. It's not as nice as it used to be,” he told
Environmental Health News (EHN).
That intimacy with nature drew Allaire to the area when he purchased 311 acres in 1998. An environmental engineer and 30-year oil and gas industry veteran, he helped lead environmental assessments and manage clean-ups, and although retired, he still works part-time as an environmental consultant with major petroleum companies. With a lifetime of oil and gas industry expertise, he’s watched the industry's footprint spread across Louisiana and the Gulf of Mexico’s fragile shores and beyond. Now that the footprints are at the edge of his backyard, Allaire is among a cohort of organizers, residents and fisher-folk in the region mobilizing to stop LNG facility construction. For him, the industry’s expansion usurps the right-or-wrong ethics he carried across his consulting career. For anglers, oil and gas infrastructure has destroyed fishing grounds and prevented smaller vessels from accessing the seafood-rich waters of the Calcasieu River.
From the view of Allaire’s white pickup truck as he drives across his property to the ocean’s shore, he points to where a new LNG facility will replace marshlands. Commonwealth LNG intends to clear the land of trees and then backfill the remaining low-lying field.
“You see what’s happening with the environment,” Allaire said. “When the facts change, I got to change my mind about what we’re doing.”
Community bands together
John Allaire, left, purchased 311 acres in Cameron Parish in 1998, and has watched the oil and gas industry's footprint spread to his property.
Credit: John Allaire
During an Earth Day rally in April, community members gathered in the urban center of Lake Charles to demand local oil and gas industries help deliver a safer, healthier future for all. In between live acts by artists performing south Louisiana’s quintessential zydeco musical style, speakers like James Hiatt, a Calcasieu Parish native with ties to Cameron Parish and a Healthy Gulf organizer, and RISE St. James organizer Sharon Lavigne, who’s fighting against LNG development in rural Plaquemines Parish near the city of New Orleans, asked the nearly 100 in attendance to imagine a day in which the skyline isn’t dotted by oil and gas infrastructure.
Not long ago, it was hard to imagine an Earth Day rally in southwest Louisiana at all. For decades, the area has been decorated with fossil fuel infrastructure. Sunsets on some days are highlighted by the chemicals in the air; at night, thousands of facilities’ lights dot the dark sky.
“It takes a lot of balls for people to start speaking up,” Shreyas Vasudevan, a campaign researcher with the Louisiana Bucket Brigade, told EHN in the days after the rally. In a region with its history and economy intertwined with oil and gas production, “you can get a lot of social criticism – or ostracization, as well – even threats to your life.”
Many are involved in local, regional and national advocacy groups, including the Louisiana Bucket Brigade, Healthy Gulf, the Sierra Club, the Natural Resources Defense Council, the Turtle Island Restoration Network, the Center for Biological Diversity and the National Audubon Society.
“You see what’s happening with the environment,” Allaire said. “When the facts change, I got to change my mind about what we’re doing.” - John Allaire, environmental engineer and 30-year oil and gas industry veteran
But environmental organizers are fighting a multi-billion-dollar industry with federal and state winds at its back. And LNG’s federal support is coupled with existing state initiatives.
Under outgoing Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards — a term-limited Democrat — the state pledged a goal of reaching net-zero greenhouse emissions by 2050. Natural gas, which the LNG industry markets as a cleaner-burning alternative, is cited as one of the state’s solutions. Louisiana is the only state that produces a majority of its carbon emissions through fossil fuels refining industries, like LNG, rather than energy production or transportation. Governor Edwards’ office did not return EHN’s request for comment.
This accommodating attitude towards oil and gas industries has resulted in a workforce that’s trained to work in LNG refining facilities across much of the rural Gulf region, said Steven Miles, a lawyer at Baker Botts LLP and a fellow at the Baker Institute’s Center on Energy Studies. Simultaneously, anti-industrialization pushback is lacking. It’s good news for industries like LNG.
“The bad news,” Miles added. “[LNG facilities] are all being jammed in the same areas.”
One rallying cry for opponents is local health. The Environmental Integrity Project found that LNG export terminals emit chemicals like carbon monoxide –potentially deadly– and sulfur dioxide, of which the American Lung Association says long-term exposure can lead to heart disease, cancer, and damage to internal or female reproductive organs.
An analysis of emissions monitoring reports by the advocacy group the Louisiana Bucket Brigade found that Venture Global’s existing Calcasieu Pass facility had more than 2,000 permit violations.That includes exceeding the permit’s authorized air emissions limit to release nitrogen oxides, carbon monoxide, particulate matter and volatile organic compounds 286 out of its first 343 days of operation.
The Marvel Crane, the first liquid natural gas carrier to transport natural gas from the Southwest Louisiana LNG facility, transits a channel in Hackberry, Louisiana, May 28, 2019.
“This is just one facility,” at a time when three more facilities have been proposed in the region and state, Vasudevan said. Venture Global’s operational LNG facility — also known as Calcasieu Pass — “is much smaller than the other facility they’ve proposed.”
In an area that experienced 18 feet of storm surge during Hurricane Laura in 2020 — and just weeks later, struck by Hurricane Delta — Venture Global is planning to build a second export terminal Known as “CP2,” it’s the largest of the roughly two dozen proposed Gulf LNG export terminals, and a key focal point for the region’s local organizing effort.
Residents “don’t really want LNG as much as they want Cameron [Parish] from 1990 back,” Hiatt told EHN of locals’ nostalgia for a community before storms like Rita in 2005 brought up to 15 feet of storm surge, only for Laura to repeat the damage in 2020. Throughout that time, the parish’s population dipped from roughly 10,000 to 5,000. “But the wolf knocking at the door is LNG. Folks in Cameron think that's going to bring back community, bring back the schools, bring back this time before we had all these storms — when Cameron was pretty prosperous.”
“Clearly,” for the oil and gas industry, “the idea is to transform what was once the center of commercial fishing in Louisiana to gas exports,” Cindy Robertson, an environmental activist in southwest Louisiana, told EHN.
Helping fishers’ impacted by LNG is about “actual survival of this unique culture,” Cooke said.
In a measure of organizers’ success, she pointed to a recent permit hearing for Venture Global’s CP2 proposal. Regionally, it’s the only project that’s received an environmental permit, but not its export permit, which remains under federal review. At the meeting, some spoke on the company’s behalf. As an organizer, it was a moment of clarity, Cooke explained. Venture Global officials “had obviously done a lot of coaching and organizing and getting people together in Cameron to speak out on their behalf,” Cooke said. “So, in a way, that was bad. But in another way, it shows that we really had an impact.”
“It also shows that we have a lot to do,” Cooke added.
Environmental organizers like Alyssa Portaro describe a sense of fortitude among activists — she and her husband to the region’s nearby town of Vinton near the Texas-Louisiana border. Since the families’ relocation to their farm, Portaro has worked with Cameron Parish fisher-folk.
“I’ve not witnessed ‘community’ anywhere like there is in Louisiana,” Portaro told EHN. But a New Jersey native, she understands the toll environmental pollution has on low-income communities. “This environment, it’s so at risk — and it’s currently getting sacrificed to big industries.”
“People don’t know what we’d do without oil and gas. It comes at a big price,” she added.
Southwest Louisiana’s Cameron Parish is one of the state’s most rural localities. Marine economies were the area’s economic drivers until natural disasters and LNG facilities began pushing locals out, commercial fishers claim.
Credit: Xander Peters for Environmental Health News
Residents “don’t really want LNG as much as they want Cameron [Parish] from 1990 back,” James Hiatt , a Healthy Gulf organizer, told EHN. "But the wolf knocking at the door is LNG."
Credit: Xander Peters for Environmental Health News
For the most part, Cameron Parish’s life and economy has historically taken place at sea. As new LNG facilities are operational or in planning locally, locals claim the community they once knew is nearly unrecognizable.
Credit: Xander Peters for Environmental Health News
A disappearing parish
The stakes are seemingly higher for a region like southwest Louisiana, which is the epicenter of climate change impacts.
In nearly a century, the state has lost roughly 2,000 square miles of land to coastal erosion. In part driving the state’s erosion crisis is the compounding impacts of Mississippi River infrastructure and oil and gas industry activity, such as dredging canals for shipping purposes, according to a March study published in the journal Nature Sustainability. Louisiana’s Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority said Cameron Parish could lose more land than other coastal parishes over the next 50 years. A recent Climate Central report says the parish will be underwater within that time frame.
On top of erosion and sea level rise impacts, in August, 2023, marshland across southwest Louisiana’s Cameron Parish burned. The fires were among at least 600 across the Bayou State this year. Statewide, roughly 60,000 acres burned — a more than six-fold increase of the state’s average acres burned per year in the past decade alone.
But while the blaze avoided coastal Louisiana communities like Cameron Parish, the fires represented a warning coming from a growing chorus of locals across the region — one that’s echoes by the local commercial fishing population, who claimed to have experienced unusually low yields during the same time, according to a statement from a local environmental group. At the site of the Cameron Parish fires are locations for two proposed LNG expansion projects.
"The idea is to transform what was once the center of commercial fishing in Louisiana to gas exports.” - Cindy Robertson, an environmental activist in southwest Louisiana
It was an unusual occurrence for an area that’s more often itself underwater this time of year due to a storm surge from powerful storms. For LNG expansion’s local opposition, it was a red flag.
As the Louisiana Bucket Brigade has noted prior, the confluence of climate change’s raising of sea levels and the construction of LNG export terminals — some are proposed at the size of nearly 700 football fields — are wiping away the marshland folks like Allaire watched wither. Among their fears is that the future facilities won’t be able to withstand the power of another storm like Laura and its storm surge, which wiped away entire communities in 2020.
Amidst these regional climate impacts, LNG infrastructure has shown potential to exacerbate the accumulation of greenhouse gasses that cause global warming. For the most part, LNG is made up of methane — a greenhouse gas that’s more than 80 times more potent than carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. Among the 22 current LNG facility proposals, the advocacy group Sierra Club described a combined climate pollution output that would roughly equal to that of about 440 coal plants.
The climate impacts prompt some of the LNG industry’s uncertainty going forward. It isn’t clear if Asian countries, key importers of U.S. LNG, will “embrace these energy transition issues,” said David Dismuke, an energy consultant and the former executive director of Louisiana State University’s Center for Energy Studies. Likewise, European nations remain skeptical of embracing LNG as a future staple fuel source.
“They really don't want to have to pull the trigger,” Dismukes added, referring to Europe’s hesitation to commit more resources to exporting LNG from the American market. “They don't want to go down that road.”
While there will be a tapering down of natural gas supply, Miles explained, “we’re going to need natural gas for a long time,” as larger battery storage for renewables is still unavailable.
“I'm not one of these futurists that can tell you where we're going to be, but I just don't see everything being extreme,” Dismukes said. “I don't see what we've already built getting stranded and going away, either.”
For now, LNG seems here to stay. From 2012 to 2022,U.S. natural gas demand — the sum of both domestic consumption and gross exports — rose by a whopping 43%, reported the U.S. Energy Information Administration, or EIA. Meanwhile, in oil and gas hotbeds like Louisiana and Texas, natural gas demand grew by 116%.
Throughout 25 years, Allaire has witnessed southwest Louisiana’s land slowly fade, in part driven by the same industrial spread regionally. Near where the front door of his travel trailer sits underneath the aluminum awning, he points to a chenier ridge located near the end of the property. It’s disappearing, he said.
“See the sand washing over, in here?” Allaire says, as he points towards the stretches of his property. “This pond used to go down for a half mile. This is all that's left of it on this side.”
In a heartfelt response to a devastating flood, Pájaro residents use the PhotoVoice Project to document the lingering effects of climate change on their community.
The catastrophic flood, a result of ignored levee warnings, left many in Pájaro homeless and jobless.
The community's resilience shines through in a local exhibition showcasing their photographic journey post-disaster.
Residents, particularly farmworkers, confront ongoing climate threats like extreme weather and agricultural challenges.
Key quote:
"This was when the rains started falling in Pájaro, before the levee break, and I was feeling so anxious when I took this photo because I knew that the rains would ruin the strawberries."
— Elisa H., resident and farmworker
Why this matters:
The Pájaro images serve as a powerful advocacy tool, drawing attention to the broader, often abstract concept of climate change and making it tangible. Each photograph tells a story of loss and resilience, urging viewers to comprehend the human element behind the headlines. As these images circulate, they foster a greater understanding of the need for robust climate action and support for communities like Pájaro, which bear the brunt of environmental upheaval.
Targa Northern Delaware vented substantial amounts of methane due to 'emergency' loopholes in state regulations.
These emissions were the highest since New Mexico began tracking data in 2021, significantly impacting greenhouse gas reduction efforts.
Despite regulations, the loophole allows substantial methane releases under specific conditions deemed as emergencies.
Key quote:
“Why wasn’t this massive amount of gas routed to a flare?”
— Jon Goldstein, senior director of regulatory and legislative affairs at the Environmental Defense Fund
Why this matters:
Methane, a potent greenhouse gas, is more than 25 times more effective than carbon dioxide at trapping heat in the atmosphere, and its unchecked release can accelerate global warming. The issue is particularly pressing in New Mexico, where oil and gas production is a major economic driver yet a significant source of methane emissions. This situation places the state at a crossroads: how to sustain its economic engine without compromising its environmental responsibilities.
Venezuela has lost its final glacier, La Corona, making it the first country in the Andes without any glaciers, amid rising concerns over global warming effects.
La Corona's size shrank dramatically from more than 1,100 acres to less than five, leading scientists to declare its end as a glacier.
Despite government attempts to preserve it using geothermal covers, experts deemed such interventions unfeasible and potentially harmful.
The loss marks a significant shift in Venezuela's ecological and cultural landscape, previously home to multiple glaciers.
Key quote:
"Our tropical glaciers are disappearing quickly since the Seventies. Now people are feeling the absence."
— Alejandra Melfo, astrophysicist at the University of the Andes
Why this matters:
The loss of La Corona extends beyond symbolic significance; it is sounding a dire alarm for both ecological balance and water resource management. Glaciers, often referred to as nature’s reservoirs, slowly release water into rivers and lakes, supporting both human activities and the natural ecosystems throughout the year. Their disappearance can lead to water shortages that affect millions, complicating efforts to grow crops, generate hydroelectric power, and maintain natural habitats.
Arizona Republican leaders have initiated legal actions against the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and California for imposing electric vehicle rules they deem overreaching.
Arizona Republicans, led by House Speaker Ben Toma and Senate President Warren Petersen, have filed lawsuits against the EPA's vehicle emissions standards and a California rule on electric trucks.
The lawsuits argue that these regulations exceed legal authority, lack proper analysis, and could negatively impact jobs and the economy.
These legal challenges follow previous actions this year, including another lawsuit against the EPA regarding air pollution standards.
Key quote:
"The EPA’s tailpipe emissions rules prioritize politics over science, posing a greater threat to public health by inflating the cost of essential and everyday goods."
— Tony Bradley, president and CEO, Arizona Trucking Association
Why this matters:
This legal standoff highlights the resistance among some states to federally mandated or influenced environmental policies, particularly those that demand rapid changes to existing infrastructure and market dynamics. Critics, like those leading the charge in Arizona, argue that such mandates place undue burdens on states and consumers, potentially leading to increased costs and economic disruption, especially in regions heavily reliant on traditional industries and older modes of transportation.
Transitioning to electric vehicles is seen by many experts as a crucial step in addressing urban air quality issues, reducing respiratory diseases, and curbing the overall impact of climate change. However, the path to such transitions is fraught with economic and logistical challenges that necessitate thoughtful consideration of local contexts and capabilities.
HOUSTON — The number of U.S. oil refineries exceeding the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s action level for benzene in 2023 was cut in half compared to 2020, according to a new report from the Environmental Integrity Project.
In 2023 just six refineries were above the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s average annual “action level,” compared to 12 back in 2020. The level, which is nine micrograms per cubic meter and was set in 2015, serves as a standard that requires corrective action if the concentration of benzene at a facility exceeds it. Corrective measures include determining the root cause of the emissions and then mitigating the pollution. The 2015 benzene standard also required fenceline monitoring for benzene to be finalized by 2018 at several refineries and chemical plants.
Benzene is a cancer-causing compound found in oil, gas and petroleum products. Long-term exposure can also cause various blood disorders and reproductive harm. Short-term exposure can result in headaches, dizziness and respiratory irritation.
Environmental groups lauded the findings.
“Requiring companies to publicly disclose their fenceline monitoring results and to find and fix benzene pollution sources appears to be working,” said Eric Schaeffer, executive director of the Environmental Integrity Project, in a statement. “Although we and others are sometimes critical of EPA, this is an example of a success story of regulations working to help to protect neighborhoods near refineries from a dangerous pollutant.”
However, it’s not all good news. Houston, the “energy capital of the nation,” hosts one of the six remaining refineries exceeding the EPA’s benzene standards. The Houston-area Pemex (formally Shell) Deer Park Refinery is exceeding the standard more than any of the other remaining refineries and its annual emissions increased to 17.3 micrograms per cubic meter in 2023 — nearly double the EPA’s action level. The levels have been rising over the past two and a half years, according to fenceline data compiled by the Environmental Integrity Project.
“Let's not forget communities that are still suffering from the effects of high benzene levels, such as Deer Park and Galena Park in the Houston area, as well as others nationwide. We must continue to take further strides and actions to provide support to these communities,” said Juan Flores, community air monitoring program manager for Air Alliance Houston, a local nonprofit dedicated to cleaner air, in a statement.
Another Texas refinery — the Total Refinery in Port Arthur — exceeded the EPA’s action level “every reporting period since monitoring began in January 2019,” according to the Environmental Integrity Project report.
“Requiring companies to publicly disclose their fenceline monitoring results and to find and fix benzene pollution sources appears to be working." - Eric Schaeffer, executive director of the Environmental Integrity Project
The report authors did note that the decrease in refineries exceeding the action levels does not account for a few refineries that have onsite monitoring plans that adjust their benzene readings downward if there are known offsite sources — or onsite sources like storage tanks — contributing to the emissions.
In addition to the benzene rule, the EPA in April expanded fenceline monitoring rules for more than 200 chemical companies. The EPA says the rule — created under the Clean Air Act and focused on six pollutants including ethylene oxide, chloroprene, benzene, 1,3-butadiene, ethylene dichloride and vinyl chloride — will reduce toxic air pollution near these plants by roughly 6,200 tons annually, protecting the health and reducing the cancer burden of nearby residents.
“With the success of the benzene monitoring program, hopefully this expansion of fenceline monitoring will mean that even more industrial facilities will feel pressure to curb their emissions of dangerous air pollutants into surrounding communities,” said Schaeffer.
For additional information on benzene levels, the Environmental Integrity Project launched a database including fenceline monitoring data from 2018 through 2023.
U.S. Steel’s proposed sale to Nippon Steel stokes concerns over labor rights and national security, all while the company continues to break clean air laws in Western Pennsylvania.
